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WORD COUNT 634                                                                                                                                                                            APRIL 30, 2008

BLAMING THE VICTIMS IN IRAQ – by Chris Toensing 

An inconvenient truth of the Iraq war is that 4.7 million Iraqis have fled their homes amidst the violence and chaos that has enveloped their country. Some 2 million of them are in Jordan, Syria and neighboring states, barely getting by, while another 2.7 million have sought shelter elsewhere in Iraq. Until recently, international aid for the displaced was scanty, in large part because the Bush administration pretended they didn’t exist. How could the war be liberating the Iraqi people when so many of them couldn’t risk living at home? 

In early 2007, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees began to spotlight this “humanitarian tragedy looming in the shadows,” issuing a series of urgent appeals for aid to the uprooted Iraqis. Since then, the United States has been the largest donor, giving $208 million by its accounting so far in 2008. That is as it should be, since the US invasion is the ultimate cause of the displacement crisis. Indeed, the United States should be doing more to help. But there are disturbing signs that Washington is trying to offload its weighty responsibility—upon Iraq, of all places. 

One such signal came from the Bush administration’s envoy for Iraqi refugees’ issues, Ambassador James Foley, who spent part of April in the Middle East drumming up donations to the UNHCR fund. Foley dismissed Iraq’s $25 million contribution as “symbolic” and said he “did not disagree” with Arab League officials who want the Iraqi government to pay for most of the refugees’ upkeep in the future. “These are their fellow citizens, and the government is not bereft” of money, he continued. 

Here Foley was likely referring to the $30 billion in Iraqi government revenue that is collecting interest in US banks. This figure got heavy airplay during the recent Petraeus-Crocker hearings, when senators of both parties complained about the amounts that US taxpayers are spending upon the reconstruction of Iraq when Iraq’s own funds could seemingly cover the tab. The Iraqi accounts are likely to swell even further, thanks to the dramatic rise in world oil prices.  

The Arab states’ insistence that Iraq should provide for the Iraqi refugees’ welfare is perhaps understandable, given that they never wanted this war and repeatedly warned the Bush administration against it. Arab governments are further motivated by their deep dislike for Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s government, which they view as little more than an agent of Iranian influence. To the extent that sectarian militias tied to the Maliki government have spread the terror that induced the refugee flows, there is a prima facie case for the Arab demands—but not an adequate case. 

The proceeds of Iraqi oil sales do not belong to the Maliki government. That money belongs to the Iraqi people, including the displaced among them, and it should be held in reserve for Iraq’s long-term future. To tap it for war-related relief efforts is, in effect, to compel the refugees to pay for their own displacement. Just as to draw down Iraqi accounts for reconstruction funds is to force Iraqis to repair what was ruined during their own bombardment. When the Bush administration and Congress point accusing fingers at Iraq’s unspent billions, they broadcast a clear message that Iraqis are ungrateful for the calamities that the US invasion and occupation have brought to their country.  

A responsible US policy toward Iraq has to start with recognizing the following realities: With much of Iraq still completely unsafe, few of the displaced will return to their homes any time soon. Many may never go back, as militias have expropriated or destroyed their property. Whether they are inside or outside Iraq, the millions of Iraqis displaced will need the world’s help for years to come. And the main financial burden rests squarely on the shoulders of the United States. 

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Chris Toensing is editor of Middle East Report, published by the Middle East Research and Information Project in Washington, DC. – www.merip.org  

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